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SEC Commissioner Hester Peirce reacts to new proposal that public companies disclose climate risks

SEC

SEE:

https://www.theblaze.com/news/sec-proposes-new-climate-disclosure-rules

https://www.foxbusiness.com/politics/sec-to-float-mandatory-disclosure-of-climate-change-risks-emissions

SEC commissioner: We're putting climate risks on par with other risks

https://www.sec.gov/rules/proposed/2022/33-11042.pdf (The Enhancement and Standardization of Climate-Related Disclosures for Investors

"We are Not the Securities and Environment Commission - At Least Not Yet"

Commissioner Hester Peirce

Commissioner Hester M. Peirce (SEE: https://www.sec.gov/biography/commissioner-hester-m-peirce)

March 21, 2022

Thank you, Chair Gensler.  Many people have awaited this day with eager anticipation.  I am not one of them.  Contrary to the hopes of the eager anticipators, the proposal will not bring consistency, comparability, and reliability to company climate disclosures.  The proposal, however, will undermine the existing regulatory framework that for many decades has undergirded consistent, comparable, and reliable company disclosures.  We cannot make such fundamental changes to our disclosure regime without harming investors, the economy, and this agency.  For that reason, I cannot support the proposal.

The proposal turns the disclosure regime on its head.  Current SEC disclosure mandates are intended to provide investors with an accurate picture of the company’s present and prospective performance through managers’ own eyes.  How are they thinking about the company?  What opportunities and risks do the board and managers see?  What are the material determinants of the company’s financial value?  The proposal, by contrast, tells corporate managers how regulators, doing the bidding of an array of non-investor stakeholders, expect them to run their companies.[1]  It identifies a set of risks and opportunities—some perhaps real, others clearly theoretical—that managers should be considering and even suggests specific ways to mitigate those risks.  It forces investors to view companies through the eyes of a vocal set of stakeholders, for whom a company’s climate reputation is of equal or greater importance than a company’s financial performance.

As you have already heard, the proposal covers a lot of territory.  It establishes a disclosure framework based, in large part, on the Task Force on Climate-Related Financial Disclosures (“TCFD”) Framework and the Greenhouse Gas Protocol.  It requires disclosure of climate-related risks; climate-related effects on strategy, business model, and outlook; board and management oversight of climate-related issues; processes for identifying, assessing, and managing climate risks; plans for transition; financial statement metrics related to climate; greenhouse gas (“GHG”) emissions; and climate targets and goals.  It establishes a safe harbor for Scope 3 disclosures and an attestation requirement for large companies’ Scope 1 and 2 disclosures. 

Some elements are missing, however, from this action-packed 534 pages:

  • A credible rationale for such a prescriptive framework when our existing disclosure requirements already capture material risks relating to climate change;
  • A materiality limitation;
  • A compelling explanation of how the proposal will generate comparable, consistent, and reliable disclosures;
  • An adequate statutory basis for the proposal;
  • A reasonable estimate of costs to companies; and
  • An honest reckoning with the consequences to investors, the economy, and this agency.  

I will talk about each of these deficiencies in turn.  My statement is rather lengthy, so I will turn my video off as I speak; by one estimate, doing so will reduce the carbon footprint of my presentation on this platform by 96 percent.[2]

I. Existing rules already cover material climate risks.

Existing rules require companies to disclose material risks regardless of the source or cause of the risk.  These existing requirements, like most of our disclosure mandates, are principles-based and thus elicit tailored information from companies.  Rather than simply ticking off a preset checklist based on regulators’ prognostication of what should matter, companies have to think about what is financially material in their unique circumstances and disclose those matters to investors.  Financial statements and their accompanying disclosure documents are intended to present an objective picture of a company’s financial situation.

Even under our current rules, climate-related information could be responsive to a number of existing disclosure requirements.  For example, Item 303 of Regulation S-K, Management’s Discussion and Analysis of Financial Conditions and Results of Operations (“MD&A”) requires disclosure of “material events and uncertainties known to management that are reasonably likely to cause reported financial information not to be necessarily indicative of future operating results or of future financial condition.”[3]  Item 101 of Regulation S-K, Description of Business, requires a description of the registrant’s business, including each reportable segment.[4]  It specifically requires disclosure of the material effects that compliance with environmental regulations may have on capital expenditures.[5]  Item 103 of Regulation S-K, Legal Proceedings, requires a description of material pending legal proceedings, as well as administrative or judicial proceedings relating to the environment if certain conditions are met.[6]  Item 105 of Regulation S-K, Risk Factors, also could include climate-related risks under its broad requirement to discuss the “material factors that make an investment in the registrant or offering speculative or risky.”[7]  Securities Act Rule 408 and Exchange Act Rule 12b-20 require companies to disclose, in addition to the information that is subject to specific disclosure mandates, “such further material information, if any, as may be necessary to make the required statements, in light of the circumstances under which they are made, not misleading.”[8]  Under these existing rules, companies already are disclosing matters such as the risk of wildfires to property, the risk of rising sea levels, the risk of rising temperatures, and the risk of climate-change legislation or regulation, when those risks are material the company’s financial situation.[9]  Similarly, issues like “[c]hanging demands of business partners” and “changing consumer . . . behavior” are certainly things all companies consider and disclose when they rise to the level of material risks. 

In 2010, the Commission issued guidance to help companies think about how to apply existing disclosure rules in the context of climate change.[10]  And, last year, the Division of Corporation Finance, in a sample disclosure review comment letter, among other things, underscored the need for companies to apply existing disclosure requirements to climate risks and opportunities, as set forth in the 2010 guidance.[11]  Since the 2010 guidance was issued, companies routinely disclose climate-related information in SEC filings under the current rules, and the Division of Corporation Finance has regularly evaluated such disclosures in filing reviews and issued comment letters only sparingly.[12]  The Division has taken a more aggressive posture in its review of climate-related disclosures in the past year; it has issued comment letters on the subject at an increased rate; sought enhanced disclosure on a variety of issues, including a number of topics that appear in the proposal; and demanded the underlying materiality analysis.  The companies’ responses are instructive: they generally have stated that the requested disclosures by SEC staff were largely immaterial and inappropriate for inclusion in SEC filings.  These recent exchanges reveal that for many companies—including large manufacturers, retailers, and even insurance companies—issues like climate-related physical damage, so-called transition risks related to conjectural climate regulation and potential legislation, and expenditures related to climate change are not material.[13]  Few of these exchanges resulted in agreements to provide enhanced disclosure, although one company—declaring that it “is providing this additional information not because it believes that such information is material” but out of the altruistic belief that “corporations should be good stewards of the environment”—assented to include more information in its proxy statement.[14] 

Instead of being a one-size-fits-all prescriptive framework, the existing rules are rooted in the materiality principle.  Depending on a company’s own facts and circumstances, existing disclosure requirements may pull in climate-related information.  Over the years, however, many companies, responding to calls from various constituencies, have provided substantial amounts of information outside of their required SEC filings.  For example, a lot of companies prepare sustainability reports and post them on their website.  Rather than being geared toward investors, these sustainability reports have a much larger target audience of non-investor stakeholders, whose primary concern is something other than company financial performance.  Because these reports are not directed toward investors, the information they contain is not limited to information that is material to the company’s financial value.  The Commission proposes today to require companies to pull into Commission filings much of this non-investor-oriented information that is either immaterial or keyed to a distended notion of materiality that seems to turn on an embellished guess at how the company affects the environment.

II. The proposed rule dispenses with materiality in some places and distorts it in others.

Some of the proposed disclosure requirements apply to all companies without a materiality qualifier, and others are governed by an expansive recasting of the materiality standard.  Both of these approaches to determining what information should be disclosed are problematic because they depart from the generally applicable,[15] time-tested materiality constraint on required disclosures.

Justice Thurgood Marshall described our existing materiality standard in TSC Industries v. Northway:[16] an item is material if there is a substantial likelihood that a reasonable investor would consider the information important in deciding how to vote or make an investment decision.  The “reasonable investor” Justice Marshall referred to in TSC Industries is someone whose interest is in a financial return on an investment in the company making the disclosure.  Thus, there is a clear link between the materiality of information and its relevance to the financial return of an investment.[17] 

The Commission proposes to mandate a set of climate disclosures that will be mandatory for all companies without regard for materiality.  As I mentioned earlier, the comment letters that the Division of Corporation Finance issued over the past year foreshadowed this development.  The staff pressed companies to include in their SEC filings disclosures that they make in their sustainability reports, but many companies responded that the information was immaterial and therefore need not be included.[18]  The proposal would sweep in much of this information without any materiality nexus.  For example, the proposed rules require all companies to disclose all Scope 1 and 2 greenhouse gas emissions, and the financial metrics do not have a materiality qualifier. 

The Commission justifies its disclosure mandates in part as a response to the needs of investors with diversified portfolios, who “do not necessarily consider risk and return of a particular security in isolation but also in terms of the security’s effect on the portfolio as a whole, which requires comparable data across registrants.”[19]  Not only does this justification depart from the Commission’s traditional company-specific approach to disclosure, but it suggests that it is appropriate for shareholders of the disclosing company to subsidize other investors’ portfolio analysis.  How could a company’s management possibly be expected to prepare disclosure to satisfy the informational demands of all the company’s investors, each with her own idiosyncratic portfolio?  The limiting principle of such an approach is unclear. 

Even where materiality thresholds exist, the proposal tweaks materiality.  The Commission obliquely admits that it is playing a little fast and loose with materiality, but assures us that the “materiality determination that a registrant would be required to make regarding climate-related risks under the proposed rules is similar to what is required when preparing the MD&A section in a registration statement or annual report.”[20]  Similarity is in the eye of the beholder, and so is materiality if it is decoupled from its financial context, as the proposal seeks to do—just try asking an investor in the company and a climate activist what each finds material about a company’s business.  You might not get the same answer.  The proposal, unlike a standard MD&A materiality determination, requires short-, medium-, and long-term assessments of materiality to account for “the dynamic nature of climate-related risks.”[21]  Moreover, the proposal would seek to get behind these materiality determinations by requiring disclosure of how the company “determines the materiality of climate-related risks, including how it assesses the potential size and scope of any identified climate-related risk.”[22]  As the proposal acknowledges, assessing the present materiality of potential consequences of ongoing and future climate change will be difficult but have no fear, “climate consulting firms are available to assist registrants in making this determination.”[23]  Score one for the climate industrial complex!

With respect to Scope 3 greenhouse gas emission[24] disclosures, the Commission also maintains the fiction that it is not departing from the materiality standard.  Under the proposal, a company, unless it is a smaller reporting company, would have to disclose Scope 3 emissions, but only if the company has set an emissions reduction target that includes Scope 3 emissions or if those emissions are material.  The materiality limitation is not especially helpful because the Commission suggests that such emissions generally are material[25] and admonishes companies that materiality doubts should “‘be resolved in favor of those the statute is designed to protect,’ namely investors.”[26]  That admonition does not work as the Supreme Court intended it when “investors” are redefined to mean “stakeholders,” for whom the cost of collecting and disclosing information is irrelevant.  The release offers without explicitly endorsing a possible quantitative metric (40% of a company’s total GHG emissions) at which Scope 3 emissions might well be material,[27] but then layers on a hazy qualitative test: “where Scope 3 represents a significant risk, is subject to significant regulatory focus, or ‘if there is a substantial likelihood that a reasonable [investor] would consider it important.’”[28]  The Commission also reminds companies that “[e]ven if the probability of an adverse consequence is relatively low, if the magnitude of loss or liability is high, then the information in question may still be material.”[29]  Further deterring omission of Scope 3 data, the release says, “it may be useful [for investors of companies that do omit Scope 3 emissions for lack of materiality] to understand the basis for that determination.”[30]  Likewise, if a company “determines that certain categories of Scope 3 emissions are material, [it] should consider disclosing why other categories are not material.”[31]  In sum, the Commission seems to presume materiality for Scope 3 emissions.

The Scope 3 materiality confusion stems in part from the fact that Scope 3 emissions reflect not the direct activities of the company making the disclosure, but the actions of the company’s suppliers and consumers.  As the proposal recognizes, “a registrant’s material Scope 3 emissions is a relatively new type of metric, based largely on third-party data, that we have not previously required.”[32]  A company’s Scope 3 emissions are based on what third parties do either in contributing to the company’s creation, processing, or transport of its products or when using and disposing of the company’s products.[33]  Admittedly, a company’s choices about things like what products to produce and which suppliers and distributors to use affect its Scope 3 numbers, but Scope 3 data is really about what other people do.  The reporting company’s long-term financial value is only tenuously at best connected to such third-party emissions.  Hence, the Commission’s distorted materiality analysis for Scope 3 disclosures departs significantly from the “reasonable investor” contemplated by Justice Marshall.

III. The proposal will not lead to comparable, consistent, and reliable disclosures.

The proposal optimistically posits that mandatory disclosure of reams of climate information will ensure that all companies disclose comparable, consistent, and reliable climate information in their SEC filings.  The proposal does not just demand information about the company making the disclosures; it also directs companies to speculate about the habits of their suppliers, customers, and employees; changing climate policies, regulations, and legislation; technological innovations and adaptations; and changing weather patterns.  Wanting to bring clarity in an area where there has been a lot of confusion and greenwashing is understandable, but the release mistakenly assumes that quantification can generate clarity even when the required data are, in large part, highly unreliable.  Requiring companies to put these faulty quantitative analyses in an official filing will further enhance their apparent reliability, while in fact leaving investors worse off, as Commission-mandated disclosures will lull them into thinking that they understand companies’ emissions better than they actually do.  

Another area where the proposal will mandate disclosure of information that appears useful but that likely will be entirely unreliable involves physical risks tied to climate change.  Establishing a causal link between physical phenomena occurring at a particular time and place and climate change is, at best, an exceedingly difficult task.  Disclosures on the physical risk side will require companies to select a climate model and adapt it to assess the effects of climate change on the specific physical locations of their operations, as well as on the locations of their suppliers and customers.  This undertaking is enormous.[34]  It will entail stacking speculation on assumptions.  It will require reliance on third parties and an array of experts who will employ their own assumptions, speculations, and models.  How could the results of such an exercise be reliable, let alone comparable across companies or even consistent over time within the same company?  Nevertheless, they will appear so to investors and stakeholders.

Required disclosures of so-called transition risks also present these challenges.  The proposal defines “transition risks” broadly as:

the actual or potential negative impacts on a registrant’s consolidated financial statements, business operations, or value chains attributable to regulatory, technological, and market changes to address the mitigation of, or adaptation to, climate-related risks, such as increased costs attributable to changes in law or policy, reduced market demand for carbon-intensive products leading to decreased prices or profits for such products, the devaluation or abandonment of assets, risk of legal liability and litigation defense costs, competitive pressures associated with the adoption of new technologies, reputational impacts (including those stemming from a registrant’s customers or business counterparties) that might trigger changes to market behavior, consumer preferences or behavior, and registrant behavior.[35]

Transition risk can derive from potential changes in markets, technology, law, or the more nebulous “policy,” which companies will have to analyze across multiple jurisdictions and all across their “value chains.”  These transition assessments are rooted in prophecies of coming governmental and market action, but experience teaches us that such prophecies often do not come to fruition.  Markets and technology are inherently unpredictable.  Domestic legislative efforts in this context have failed for decades,[36] and international agreements, like the Paris Accords, have seen the United States in and out and back in again.[37]  How could this proposal thus elicit comparable, consistent, and reliable disclosure on these topics?

IV. The Commission lacks authority to propose this rule.

This proposal exceeds the Commission’s statutory limits.  Congress gave us an important mission—protecting investors, facilitating capital formation, and fostering fair, orderly, and efficient markets—and granted us sufficient regulatory authority to achieve that mission.  Effective execution of that mission forms the basis for healthy capital markets and, in turn, a healthy economy.  Congress, however, did not give us plenary authority over the economy and did not authorize us to adopt rules that are not consistent with applicable constitutional limitations.  This proposal steps outside our statutory limits by using the disclosure framework to achieve objectives that are not ours to pursue and by pursuing those objectives by means of disclosure mandates that may not comport with First Amendment limitations on compelled speech.

All the disclosure mandates we adopt under authority granted to us by Congress are at the bottom compelled speech, and this one, in particular, prescribes specific content for the speech that it mandates.  The Supreme Court has made clear that corporations do enjoy protections under the First Amendment’s freedom of speech clause, but also has concluded that the government is subject to lesser scrutiny—and therefore has greater leeway—when requiring companies to disclose “purely factual and uncontroversial information.”[38]  For this reason, our disclosure mandates are at their strongest when there is a clear and indisputable connection between the factual information to be disclosed and our three-part mission.

Attempting to establish that essential connection, the Commission points to “significant investor demand for information about how climate conditions may impact their investments.”[39]  Large asset managers—who are paid to invest other people’s money[40]—some institutional investors, and some retail investors have been vocal proponents of climate change disclosures.  But why are they asking?  If they are asking for information to help them assess the financial value of companies in which they are considering investing, this information may be material and is likely covered by existing disclosure rules.  But many calls for enhanced climate disclosure are motivated not by an interest in financial returns from an investment in a particular company, but by deep concerns about the climate or, sometimes, superficial concerns expressed to garner goodwill.[41] 

The fact that retail and institutional investors and asset managers have myriad motivations when making investment decisions and by extension therefore might want different categories of information necessarily means that we cannot adopt a disclosure regime that provides all information desired by all investors and asset managers.  Indeed, we have been cautioned against disclosure requirements so sweeping that they “simply . . . bury the shareholders in an avalanche of trivial information.”[42]  We have in the past achieved the necessary balance between mandating enough but not too much information by focusing on what information is material to an objectively reasonable investor in her capacity as an investor in the company supplying the information seeking a financial return on her investment in the company.

Focusing on information that is material to a company’s value proposition not only serves as a key mechanism to winnow out needless volumes of information but also keeps us from exceeding the bounds of our statutory authorization.  The further afield we are from financial materiality, the more probable it is that we have exceeded our statutory authority.  One commentator argues that the rationales relied on by the Commission here—that the “Commission has broad authority to promulgate disclosure requirements that are ‘necessary or appropriate in the public interest or for the protection of investors’”[43] or that “promote efficiency, competition, and capital formation”[44]—cannot justify disclosure mandates that lie outside the “subject-matter boundaries” Congress imposed on it.[45]  Indeed, in the rare instances when Congress has wanted us to go beyond those subject-matter boundaries, it has told us to do so.[46]  We do not have a clear directive from Congress, and we ought not wade blithely into decisions of such vast economic and political significance as those touched on by today’s proposal.

Other scholars similarly have raised serious and fundamental questions regarding our authority to mandate climate-related disclosures in the manner proposed here.  A proper understanding and application of our materiality standard is essential.  Professor Sean Griffith contends that First Amendment jurisprudence suggests that the SEC cannot compel disclosures of the type proposed today.  He proposes that to determine whether a particular mandated disclosure is uncontroversial, one should look to the degree that it is consistent with the language and objectives of the statute authorizing the mandate.  If there is a clear and logical connection between disclosing the information and achieving the objectives of the statute, then it likely is uncontroversial; however, if disclosing the information is unrelated, or only tangentially related, to the statutory objectives, then it likely is controversial.[47]  The objective of Congress’s instruction for us to regulate in the public interest and for the protection of investors is to protect investors in their pursuit of returns on their investments, not in other capacities.  For this reason, to qualify as uncontroversial and thereby stay within First Amendment bounds, our disclosure mandates must be limited to information that is material to the prospect of financial returns.  In Professor Griffith’s view, disclosures of information material to financial returns are uncontroversial because the quest for financial returns is the common goal that unites all investors.  Their other individualized goals—whether ameliorating climate change, encouraging better labor relations, pursuing better treatment of animals, protecting abortion rights or any other number of issues—are material for purposes of our disclosure regime only to the extent they relate to the financial value of the company. 

The Commission today proposes to require companies to disclose information that may not be material to them and recasts materiality to encompass information that investors want based on interests other than their financial interest in the company doing the disclosing.  We would do well to heed the admonition of the Supreme Court in a case involving the agency Congress charged with regulating the environment:

When an agency claims to discover in a long-extant statute an unheralded power to regulate “a significant portion of the American economy,” we typically greet its announcement with a measure of skepticism.  We expect Congress to speak clearly if it wishes to assign to an agency decisions of vast “economic and political significance.”[48]

V. The Commission underestimates the costs of the proposal.

Even if it were within our statutory authority, the proposal is expensive.  The Commission is sanguine about the costs of this endeavor because some companies are already making climate-related disclosures.  I look forward to seeing whether commenters agree with the Commission’s cost assessments.  Several aspects of the proposal could make implementation costlier than the Commission anticipates.

First, although the proposal is based in part on popular voluntary frameworks, those frameworks are neither universally used nor precisely followed.  For example, the proposal looks extensively to the framework developed by the TCFD because its popularity “may facilitate achieving this balance between eliciting better disclosure and limiting compliance costs.”[49]  Yet, a survey cited in the release suggests that U.S. companies pick and choose elements of the TCFD framework to follow and the majority do not adhere to key parts of the framework.[50]  These results suggest that using the TCFD framework as a basis for this rulemaking will not reduce costs substantially.  Moreover, for many companies, the TCFD-based disclosures will be new.  For these reasons, neither the data regarding predicted costs of complying with the TCFD as it was originally designed nor the data regarding costs to companies using bespoke versions of the TCFD are particularly instructive on the potential costs of complying with this proposal.

The Commission also ignores the distinction between voluntary disclosure in a sustainability report of selected items outlined in the TCFD and mandatory disclosure in SEC filings.  The former disclosure is subject neither to mandatory assurance[51] nor to the level of liability[52] or scrutiny that attaches to SEC filings.  I liken it to cooking.  When I “follow” a recipe, I pick and choose which aspects to follow based on how much time I have, how ambitious I am feeling, and which ingredients I have on hand.  If I were told that I had to prepare the same recipe in a Michelin-starred restaurant for a table of eminent food critics, my stress level would rise considerably, and I would have to outsource the job to a high-priced chef.  A similar rude awakening is in store for companies that have been asking for disclosure mandates, perhaps thinking that these mandates would simply require a little more than what they are already doing voluntarily (and, as importantly, make their competitors do the same): Under these proposals, they are going to be playing an entirely different game, at far higher stakes.  It is difficult to sympathize with the self-inflicted pain they are going to feel, but unfortunately, their shareholders, who, unlike corporate leadership, have not been clamoring for such disclosures, will foot the bill. 

Second, as hard as it will be for a company to be confident in its own climate-related information, a company may not even be able to get the information it needs to calculate Scope 3 emissions.  The company’s customers and suppliers may not track this information.  Even if its suppliers disclose their emissions information, a reporting company may not feel sufficiently confident in the information to include it in its SEC filings.  Many companies, therefore, will have to turn to third-party consultants to help them determine Scope 3 emissions.[53] 

The proposal recognizes the unprecedented nature of the Scope 3 disclosure framework in a couple of ways.  First, it exempts smaller reporting companies.[54]  Second, it provides a safe harbor for Scope 3 disclosures.[55]  The efficacy of this safe harbor turns on its terms, which, in the spirit of the rest of the proposal, are nebulous.  Specifically, the safe harbor covers Scope 3 statements unless they were “made or reaffirmed without a reasonable basis or [were] disclosed other than in good faith.”[56]  “Reasonable basis” seems clear enough in most cases, but is it in this case?  How is a company to determine which particular climate model or set of estimates constitutes a “reasonable basis” when different models and estimations lead to substantially different results?  And what catapults a statement that was made with a reasonable basis into the category of “other than in good faith”?  Is it bad faith if a company that gets wildly different numbers from two suppliers that appear to use similar processes for producing and transporting raw materials chooses to use the numbers that produce the lowest Scope 3 emissions?  Third, the proposal also recognizes the unreliability of Scope 3 data by excluding those data from the assurance requirement.  Realistically, nobody could credibly provide assurance for numbers that are inherently unreliable, and if nobody can credibly provide assurance, no investor is likely to find that these data provide a reasonable basis for making any investment decisions.  

Third, the assurance that companies do have to get likely will be expensive.  Accelerated filers and large accelerated filers will be required to include an attestation report on their Scope 1 and 2 emissions signed by an independent GHG emissions attestation provider, which will be required to provide limited assurance for the second fiscal year after the Scopes 1 and 2 emissions disclosure compliance date, and reasonable assurance starting for the fourth fiscal year after the relevant compliance date.[57]  Audit firms are likely to be the biggest winners, as they already have established assurance infrastructures and are familiar with SEC reporting and the proposed independence framework.  The attestation mandate could be a new sinecure for the biggest audit firms, reminiscent of the one given them by Section 404(b) of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act.[58] 

Companies also will incur audit costs in connection with a number of metrics proposed to be included in the notes to the financial statements.  The mandated financial statement metrics “would consist of disaggregated climate-related impacts on existing financial statement line items.”[59]  Requiring all companies[60] to include disaggregated, subject-specific metrics within the financial statements is unusual, fails to accommodate the diversity across companies, and reflects a disproportionate emphasis on climate.  Embedding a risk-specific disclosure requirement in the financial statements erodes the important status of financial statements as objective, economically sound representations of a company’s financial situation.  These numbers and the assumptions that underlie them will be invaluable for stakeholder groups looking to force companies to pour more money into climate-related expenditures, but their value to investors is unclear. 

VI. The proposed rule would hurt investors, the economy, and this agency.

Many have called for today’s proposal out of a deep concern about a warming climate and its effects on the planet, people, and the financial system.  It is important to remember, though, that noble intentions, once baked into complex regulatory plans, often have ignoble results.  This risk is considerably heightened when the regulatory complexity is designed to push capital allocation toward politically and socially favored ends,[61] and when the regulators designing the framework have no expertise in capital allocation, political and social insight, or the science used to justify these favored ends.  This proposal, developed under these circumstances, will hurt investors, the economy, and this agency. 

The proposal, if adopted, will have substantive effects on companies’ activities.  We are not only asking companies to tell us what they do but suggesting how they might do it.  The proposal uses disclosure mandates to direct board and managerial attention to climate issues.[62]  Other parts of the proposal offer even more direct substantive suggestions to companies about how they should run their businesses.  For example, the Commission suggests that a company could “mitigate the challenges of collecting the data required for Scope 3 disclosure” by “choosing to purchase from more GHG efficient producers,” or “producing products that are more energy-efficient or involve less GHG emissions when consumers use them, or by contracting with distributors that use shorter transportation routes.”[63]  And the proposal suggests options for companies pursuing climate-related opportunities as part of a transition plan, including low emission modes of transportation, renewable power, producing or using recycled products, setting goals to help reduce greenhouse gas emissions, and providing services related to the transition to a lower-carbon economy.[64]  Similarly, the proposal suggests ways companies can meet climate-related targets, including “a strategy to increase energy efficiency, transition to lower carbon products, purchase carbon offsets or [renewable energy credits], or engage in carbon removal and carbon storage.”[65]  With all due respect to my colleagues, society is in big trouble if we are looking to SEC lawyers, accountants, and economists to dictate how companies should address climate change. 

Executives, for their part, might not mind the new regime that elevates squishy climate metrics.  After all, how wonderful it will be for an executive who has failed to produce solid financial returns to be able to counter critics with a glowing report on climate transition—“Dear Shareholders, we fell far short of our earnings target this year, but you will be pleased to know that all in all it was a fantastic year since we made great progress on our climate transition plan.”  If the CEO’s compensation is tied to lower greenhouse gas emissions, she can forgo the focus on company financial value—so 20th century!—and spend her time following the proposal’s urging to convince suppliers to shift to electric transport fleets and customers to freeze their jeans instead of washing them.[66]

Who then might mind?  Investors.  And by investors, I mean real people who are saving for retirement and need to earn real financial—not psychic—returns on their money.  When executives focus less on financial metrics and more on other things, the financial performance of companies is likely to suffer.  Moreover, the proposal does not grapple with the potential that retail investors, who are essentially confined to the public markets, should expect to see lower returns over the long term.  The logical result of using the financial system as a tool in combatting climate change is to drive down returns on green investments.[67]  Companies that cannot get funding in the public markets will retreat to the private markets, where they will have to pay investors more for capital.  Higher returns will be reserved for the wealthy, to who the Commission has granted access to private markets.[68] 

Investors will not be the only ones to suffer from the diversion of attention from financial to climate objectives.  The whole economy, and all of the consumers and producers it sustains, could also be hurt.  First, the proposal is likely counterproductive to the important concerns around climate change.  Attempting to drive long-term capital flows to the right companies ex-ante is a fool’s errand because we simply do not know what effective climate solutions will emerge or from where.  Markets, if we let them work, are remarkably deft at solving problems of all sorts, even big problems like climate change,[69] but they do so in incremental and surprising ways that are driven by a combination of chance, opportunity, necessity, and human ingenuity.  The climate-change mitigating invention which right now may be rattling around in the head of a young girl in Cleveland, Ohio—the intellectual descendant of great Cleveland inventors like Garrett Morgan and Rollin Henry White[70]—is something of which we regulators cannot even dream.  Our limited job as securities regulators is to make sure that enterprising young women can get matched up with the funds necessary to bring their idea to life.  We make that match less likely if we write rules that implicitly prefer the technology we have identified as promising today over the technology of the future germinating in our young inventor’s dreams.  Second, the diversion of capital also will make the economy less effective at serving people’s other needs.  Insufficient capital will go to solving other important problems.  Third, contrary to the Commission’s reasoning,[71] driving more capital toward green investments as defined uniformly by financial regulators could fuel an asset bubble that could make the financial system more vulnerable rather than more resilient. 

Finally, our meddling with the incentives for capital allocation will harm this agency, which plays such an important role in the capital markets.  As discussed above, the proposal takes us outside of our statutory jurisdiction and expertise, which harms the agency’s integrity.  In addition, filling SEC filings with information that is inherently unreliable undercuts the credibility of the rest of the information in these important filings.[72]  Moreover, while the existence of anthropogenic climate change itself is not particularly contentious, how best to measure and solve the problem remains in dispute.  The Commission, which is not an expert in these matters, will be drawn into these disputes as it reviews, for example, the climate models and assumptions underlying companies’ metrics and disclosures about progress toward meeting climate targets.  This proposal could inspire future more socially and politically contentious disclosures, which would undermine the SEC’s reputation as an independent regulator.[73]  Meanwhile, we have other important work to do, and the climate initiative distracts us from it.[74]     

VII. Conclusion

We are here laying the cornerstone of a new disclosure framework that will eventually rival our existing securities disclosure framework in magnitude and cost and probably outpace it in complexity.  The building project upon which we are embarking will consume our attention and enrich many, as any massive building project does.  The placard at the door of this hulking green structure will trumpet our revised mission: “protection of stakeholders, facilitating the growth of the climate-industrial complex, and fostering unfair, disorderly, and inefficient markets.”  This new edifice will cast a long shadow on investors, the economy, and this agency.  Accordingly, I will vote no on laying the cornerstone.

If I were voting based on how hard the staff has worked to get this proposal out the door, however, I would support it.  I appreciate the long hours, extensive thought, and intense work that staff from all over the Commission—the Division of Corporation Finance, the Division of Economic and Risk Analysis, the Office of General Counsel, and the Office of Chief Accountant, among others—poured into this rulemaking.  I also am grateful to the many commenters who responded to Commissioner Lee’s request for comment and for the even greater number of comments I expect we will receive in response to this proposal.  Your comments will inform my thinking about whether we should adopt climate disclosure rules and, if so, what they should look like.  In particular, I am interested in hearing if there are types of universally material climate information that are not being disclosed under our existing rules. 

 

Dan Ball With Chelle Brown: Taking Back Parental Rights Over Our Children

CHEROKEE COUNTY SCHOOL BOARD SEES NOTHING WRONG WITH SCHOOLCHILDREN HAVING PORNOGRAPHIC BOOKS TO READ; EXCEPT WHEN A PARENT ATTEMPTS TO READ ONE BOOK TO THEM. 

SEE: https://www.cherokee.k12.ga.us/districtBoardEd.aspx

school board members and superintendent

Calls to REMOVE Biden from Office SURGE as Cognitive Decline Worsens!!!

EXCERPTS FROM: https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-10524543/66-voters-43-Dems-believe-Biden-release-results-cognitive-test.html:

66% of all voters - including 43% of Democrats - believe Biden should take and publicly release the results of a cognitive test and the majority think he is not fit for office, a new poll shows

  • A new poll shows that 66% of likely voters want to see President Joe Biden take a cognitive test and release the results to prove he is mentally fit for office
  • 43% of Democrats feel the same and 86% of Republicans 
  • Same poll shows that 56% of Americans are 'not very confident' or 'not at all confident' that Biden is fit for office – only 27% are 'very confident'
  • New poll comes as a group of 38 House Republicans sent a letter to Biden urging him to take cognitive tests
  • Also emerges as the president's approval ratings continue to dip 

The international media are openly talking about Biden’s shocking state of cognitive decline, and now there are growing calls for invoking the 25th Amendment against him! In this video we’re going to take a look at some of the international headlines reporting on Biden’s obvious senility, we’re going to take a look at Tucker Carlson’s call for Biden to be removed from office via the 25th Amendment, and stick with me to the very end of this video when I’ll reveal that a growing consensus is forming that it is most certainly time for Sleepy Joe to finally go! You are NOT going to want to miss this!

Biden called out for 'cheat sheet' to avoid gaffes

How RUSSIAGATE Caused the UKRAINE WAR! The Answer Will SHOCK You!!!

Did the Russian Collusion Hoax Cause the War in Ukraine? That’s what we’re going to be looking at in today’s video! We’re going to explore the intriguing work of some brave journalists who’ve been exploring the relationship between Russiagate and the Ukrainian War, and we’re going to see for ourselves what they’ve uncovered! You’re not going to want to miss this!

Tucker: Biden can't regulate his emotions~Time To Invoke 25th Amendment

"For God's Sake, This Man Can Not Remain In Power"

SEE: https://thenewamerican.com/tucker-with-nuclear-threat-nigh-unstable-biden-should-be-removed-via-the-25th-amendment/

25TH AMENDMENT

Presidential Disability and Succession

Passed by Congress July 6, 1965. Ratified February 10, 1967. The 25th Amendment changed a portion of Article II, Section 1

Section 1

In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death or resignation, the Vice President shall become President.

Section 2

Whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the Vice President, the President shall nominate a Vice President who shall take office upon confirmation by a majority vote of both Houses of Congress.

Section 3

Whenever the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, and until he transmits to them a written declaration to the contrary, such powers and duties shall be discharged by the Vice President as Acting President.

Section 4

Whenever the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the office as Acting President.
     
Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that no inability exists, he shall resume the powers and duties of his office unless the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive department or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit within four days to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office. Thereupon Congress shall decide the issue, assembling within forty-eight hours for that purpose if not in session. If the Congress, within twenty-one days after receipt of the latter written declaration, or, if Congress is not in session, within twenty-one days after Congress is required to assemble, determines by a two-thirds vote of both Houses that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall continue to discharge the same as Acting President; otherwise, the President shall resume the powers and duties of his office.

Ted Cruz slams Biden’s $5.8 trillion budget proposal

Brighteon: Prepare for a Recession: Biden Proposes $5.8 Trillion Dollar Plan as Fed Raises Rates

The Biden Regime pitched a $5.8 trillion plan loaded with taxations and compensations that are bound to hurt America. Carlos Cortez Jr. joined the Stew Peters Show Tuesday to discuss the possibility of a recession, massive inflation, and more. Cortez detailed the importance of financial planning, the chaotic state of the economy, shifts in the housing market, and his powerful Christian testimony.

Visit Cortez Wealth Management to request a consultation: https://cortezwm.com/.

Child-porn Convict Whom SCOTUS Pick Ketanji Jackson Sentenced to Three Months Objects to GOP Questions

WASHINGTON POST Finds, Interviews, Wesley Hawkins, Who Got ...

BY R. CORT KIRKWOOD

SEE: https://thenewamerican.com/child-porn-convict-whom-scotus-pick-kentanji-jackson-sentenced-to-three-months-objects-to-gop-questions/;

republished below in full unedited for informational, educational & research purposes:

Leave it to the Washington Post to find kiddie-porn convicts and portray them sympathetically.

But the Post added a special touch in its story about kiddie-porn aficionado Welsey Hawkins. It importuned the registered sex offender to say he’s sorry for the harsh questions about him that Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson received from Republican senators during her confirmation hearings.

As with many of her sentences in child-porn cases, Jackson ignored the request of prosecutors for a long jail term and sentenced Hawkins to a much lesser one. So of course, the natural thing for the leftist Post to do was seeking the pervert’s opinion about it.

YouTube Porn

To its credit, before finding Hawkins, the Post published a piece about his crime.

The confessed homosexual uploaded child porn to YouTube in 2012 when he was 18 years old, and “an undercover detective soon emailed him, suggesting the two had ‘similar interests,’” the Post reported:

Hawkins emailed the agent two videos, and wrote that he was interested in boys ages 11 to 17. Authorities executed a search warrant in June, finding 17 videos and 16 images of boys on a laptop and a phone.

Hawkins cooperated with the investigation, federal prosecutors said. In court filings, they wrote that the recent high school graduate had agreed to be interviewed by detectives, admitted possession, entered a pre-indictment guilty plea and took “full responsibility for his actions.”

Although federal guidelines called for a sentence of eight to 10 years, prosecutors said that given Hawkins’s age and lack of criminal record they recommended two years. According to documents given to senators, a U.S. probation officer recommended a year and a half.

His defense attorney blamed Hawkins’ “sexual identity issue complicated by his mother’s strict religious beliefs and that his offense was prompted by a teenage sexual drive, not an intrinsic sexual attraction to significantly younger children.”

Jackson, then a federal district court judge, sentenced him to three months in prison and three months probation.

Here’s the reason, the Post reported:

Addressing Hawkins, she said, “you were only involved in this for a few months” and that “other than your engagement with the undercover officer, there isn’t an indication that you were in any online communities to advance your collecting behavior.”

Jackson added that the age difference between Hawkins and the victims in the videos wasn’t all that great. One was eight years old.

In 2019, the Post reported, Jackson sent Hawkins to a halfway house after his probation officer told Jackson that “despite being in treatment for more than five years [Hawkins] continues to seek out sexually arousing, non-pornographic material and images of males 13 to 16-years-old.”

Sympathy for the Judge

In the piece that ensued, Hawkins confessed that what he did was a “bit monstrous.”

But the Post couldn’t stop there. It tossed in a chance for Hawkins to bash the Republicans who attack Jackson’s record on perverts.

“Of the attention his case is getting now, Hawkins noted that many in the GOP continued to support candidates who faced allegations of sexual misconduct, the Post reported:

“While I’m not defending my actions, because, again, they are undefendable, I feel that their hypocrisy should be pointed out.”

Perhaps most surprising, Hawkins said, was that he found himself feeling sympathy for the judge he had once been angry with for sending him to prison.

“I wasn’t very happy that she gave me three months, though, after reflection when I was in jail, I was hearing from other people who said it was their first time arrested and they got five years, six years.

“I feel that she chose to take into consideration the fact that I was just getting started [in life] and she knew this was going to hold me back for years to come regardless,” he said, “so she didn’t really want to add on to that.”

GOP senators presented Jackson’s record of sending child porn in some detail, and Senators Josh Hawley noted that her sympathy for perverts includes criticizing sex-offender registries.

“As far back as her time in law school, Judge Jackson has questioned making convicts register as sex offenders — saying it leads to ‘stigmatization and ostracism.’” he tweeted. “She’s suggested public policy is driven by a “climate of fear, hatred & revenge” against sex offenders.”

Jackson has proposed eliminating mandatory-minimum sentences for child-porn convicts, and once said that people who possess the material “are in this for either the collection or the people who are loners and find status in their participation in the community.” 

Police arrest one of Reiner Fuellmich’s grand jury lawyers, place her in custody in effort to block investigations into global vaccine crimes

France : D’autres nouvelles de Virginie de Araujo-Recchia ...

BY ETHAN HUFF

SEE: https://www.naturalnews.com/2022-03-28-police-arrest-reiner-fuellmich-grand-jury-lawyer.html;

republished below in full unedited for informational, educational & research purposes:

(Natural News) Virginie de Araujo-Rechhia, a French lawyer on Reiner Fuellmich’s Grand Jury team, has reportedly been arrested at her home and taken into custody.

On Mar. 22, 2022, de Araujo-Rechhia was picked up by police amid her work with three different citizens’ associations in France that are trying to bring criminal charges against politicians who voted for an Aug. 5, 2021, law that brought in a wave of repressive Wuhan coronavirus (Covid-19) restrictions.

The full circumstances surrounding de Araujo-Rechhia’s arrest remain unknown. Most of the news outlets reporting on it say that her current whereabouts are unknown.

“We don’t fully know the circumstances under which such a measure was decided and what she is being charged with,” one report explained. “We have been trying since this morning to determine where she has been taken.”

“All our efforts in this regard have so far been in vain. Thanks for circulating this message, without changing a single word. We’ll keep you informed as soon as possible.”

Governments conspire with the media to spread “panic propaganda 24/7,” Fuellmich says

In case you missed it, Fuellmich assembled a coalition of lawyers and judges to prosecute the crimes against humanity that were committed in the name of “public health.”

Dubbed the Peoples’ Court of Public Opinion, this coalition recently gathered in Germany, where Fuellmich is from, to compile all of the details about what corrupt leaders have done under the directive of the World Economic Forum (WEF).

“This case, involving the most heinous crimes against humanity committed under the guise of a corona pandemic, looks complicated only at first glance,” Fuellmich said in his opening statement.

“One, there is no corona pandemic, but only a PCR test ‘plandemic’ fueled by an elaborate psychological operation designed to create a constant state of panic among the world’s population. This agenda has been long-planned.”

One of the people who joined Fuellmich was de Araujo-Rechhia, who is now apparently being targeted by the state, potentially in retaliation for her work on the project.

In France, conditions degraded quickly under the authoritarian leadership of Emmanuel Macron, who imposed harsh restrictions on the French people, including Fauci Flu “vaccine passports.”

There were massive protests against Macron’s fascism, but ultimately France was still plunged into a tyrannical nightmare under his directives.

A similar situation occurred in Germany, Fuellmich’s homeland, where leaders similarly imposed harsh measures aimed at stopping society from living any kind of normal life.

“[Covid’s] ultimately unsuccessful precursor was the swine flu some 12 years ago, and it was cooked up by a group of super-rich psychopathic and sociopathic people who hate and fear people at the same time, have no empathy, and are driven by the desire to gain full control over all of us, the people of the world,” Fuellmich says about how this was all tried before.

According to Fuellmich, governments work together with the corporate-controlled media to spread “panic propaganda 24/7.” This is what he, de Araujo-Rechhia and others involved with the fight are trying to stop.

As we learn more about the situation with de Araujo-Rechhia, we will keep you informed about it in follow-up articles.

“Does this jury have real power to enforce their decisions? Only if the military and police forces of many countries listened to them,” commented someone at Natural News about Fuellmich’s Peoples’ Court of Public Opinion.

“In the modern world, neither national nor international law is functioning anymore. For modern rulers, an agenda is more important than any law or established convention.”

The latest news about the ongoing fight against the plandemic tyrants can be found at Pandemic.news.

Sources for this article include:

HumansAreFree.com

NaturalNews.com

Frontline Flash™ Daily Dose: ‘THE DATA DOES NOT SUPPORT THE SHOT’ with Dr. Peterson Pierre

Tipping Point: Riley Moore, West Virginia-The Left’s War on Domestic Energy~Iran-backed Shia group Biden removed from terror list hits oil facilities in Sunni Saudi Arabia

WV Treasurer: Biden Administration's push against fossil fuel banking "un-American"

WEST VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE PASSES MEASURE TO CUT OFF BANKS THAT REFUSE TO SERVICE COAL & OIL INDUSTRIES (FOSSIL FUELS / GREEN NEW DEAL)

Iran-backed Shia group Biden removed from terror list hits oil facilities in Sunni Saudi Arabia

BY ROBERT SPENCER

SEE: https://robertspencer.org/2022/03/iran-backed-shia-group-biden-removed-from-terror-list-hits-oil-facilities-in-sunni-saudi-arabia;

republished below in full unedited for informational, educational & research purposes:

This matters to Americans because Biden ended America’s energy independence and crippled domestic oil production. If he were a traitor trying to destroy the United States, what would he be doing differently from what he is doing?

“Saudi Aramco petroleum storage site hit by Houthi attack, fire erupts,” by Aziz El Yaakoubi and Maha El Dahan, Reuters, March 26, 2022:

RIYADH, March 26 (Reuters) – Yemen’s Houthis said they launched attacks on Saudi energy facilities on Friday and the Saudi-led coalition said oil giant Aramco’s petroleum products distribution station in Jeddah was hit, causing a fire in two storage tanks but no casualties….

The Iran-aligned Houthis have escalated attacks on the kingdom’s oil facilities in recent weeks and ahead of a temporary truce for the Muslim holy month of Ramadan.

The coalition has repeatedly said it is exercising self-restraint in the face of the attacks, but launched a military operation in Yemen early on Saturday saying it aimed to protect global energy sources and ensure supply chains….

The ministry blamed Iran for continuing to arm the Houthis with ballistic missiles and advanced drones, stressing that the attacks “would lead to impacting the Kingdom’s production capacity and its ability to fulfil its obligations to global markets”. Teheran denies arming the Houthis….

Dinesh D’Souza Podcast: ketanji brown jackson, THE PERFORMER, trojan horse & pawn of Biden & his handlers

In this episode, Dinesh evaluates Ketanji Brown Jackson not as a justice but rather as a performer, and grades how she is doing before her audience, the Senate.  Danielle D'Souza Gill joins her dad to talk about Jackson's mentor, the legal activist Derrick Bell. Dinesh examines the strange appeal of "the most controversial figure in France," Eric Zemmour. Dinesh looks at how the cancellation of all things Russian now extends to his own favorite hobby, chess. Dinesh concludes his analysis of Guido da Montefeltro in Dante's circle of fraud. 

Worldwide food shortages coming

White House Issues BIG Warning & Glenn Beck Doubles Down On It…

LISA HAVEN: Multiple warnings are now being sounded all across the globe. We are in the middle of a food, gas, and economic crisis and things are about to get much worse. Many leading officials are now sounding alarms and now the White House is finally starting to admit it. I hope you are ready. All that and more in this report…

Modern Day Brown Shirts Suppress Free Speech at Yale Law

Why the heckler’s veto is wrong and why universities must prevent its use.

BY RICHARD L. CRAVATTS

SEE: https://www.frontpagemag.com/fpm/2022/03/modern-day-brown-shirts-suppress-free-speech-yale-richard-l-cravatts/;

republished below in full unedited for informational, educational & research purposes:

Richard L. Cravatts, Ph.D., a Freedom Center Journalism Fellow in Academic Free Speech and President Emeritus of Scholars for Peace in the Middle East, is the author of Dispatches From the Campus War Against Israel and Jews.

As further confirmation that universities have devolved into islands of repression in a sea of freedom, some 120 Yale Law School students seriously disrupted a March 10th event. Sponsored by the Yale Federalist Society, the event featured Kristen Waggoner, lead counsel for the conservative Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF), and Monica Miller of the progressive American Humanist Association (AHA), appearing together on the panel to discuss (ironically, it turns out) free speech issues. 

Yale’s LGBTQ students had already mobilized their opposition to the appearance of Waggoner, particularly because ADF, they claimed in a flyer they distributed, “is an organization designated by the SPLC [Southern Poverty Law Center] as a hate group” and that the Federalist Society’s invitation to Waggoner provided “a veneer of respectability [that] is part of what allows this group to do work that attacks the very lives of LGBTQ people in the US and globally.” Once it has been predetermined that the organization for which Waggoner is lead counsel was anti-gay, it no longer mattered what she would say at the event. The moral scolds at Yale Law School had already decided she should be canceled and forbidden from giving her opinions about anything at all.

Preventing someone with opposing views to even speak, to make his or her opinions known and heard by the campus community, means that the disruptors are so sure of their beliefs, so positive that their perception is the valid one, the only true one, that they are comfortable with suppressing the alternate beliefs and ideology of those whose speech they seek to silence. Students, even graduate law students, are certainly not omniscient nor do they know the single truths about a range of topics guest speakers bring into debates. Their experience is insufficient to make them credible arbiters of what may be said, and what must not be said, on university campuses. 

They do not have the moral right or intellectual capacity to gauge what is bad speech and what is good speech. 

And they exert their unearned moral and intellectual superiority to silence ideological opponents because feckless administrators have tolerated this outrageous behavior, the use of what is known as the “heckler’s veto,” for too long now and are reaping the inevitable backlash. 

The heckler’s veto is an unethical tactic used the advance one’s own beliefs by defeating an ideological opponent’s argument by silencing him, instead of having to offer a compelling argument of one’s own; someone with alternate views has his speech canceled or, if it is held, shouted down, disrupted, and jeered at.

When students shout down a speaker with whom they disagree and refuse to even let that person voice their opinions—regardless of how abhorrent or aberrant the disruptors think them to be—they are acting both rudely and pretentiously, assuming that their opinions are so valid and powerful that someone with opposing ideas does not even deserve to have them aired and considered. And when law students behave in this manner, as they did in a similarly grotesque fashion recently at UC Hastings School of Law when they shouted down Georgetown’s Ilya Shapiro, one might question both their intellectual maturity and their ability to maintain suitable judicial temperament as future lawyers.

Additionally important, when a speaker like Waggoner is invited to the Yale campus, she is a guest of the entire law school, and it is neither the right nor role of a few self-selected students to censure speakers and decide—in advance—that the speaker has no right to even air his or her views. In most cases, speakers who have been shouted down and prevented from speaking are highly-educated, academically-accomplished, and appropriately credentialed individuals with many years of professional experience behind them, so their ideas are formed by far more education, accomplishment, and intellectual activity than the protesting college students themselves have, making attempts by activist students to suppress the speech of those whose intellects are superior seem not only discourteous and audacious but misguided.  

Waggoner, for example, was the lead counsel for the First Amendment rights case, Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission, which she argued before the United States Supreme Court. The law students who disrupted her speech at Yale may disagree with her position on whether a baker should be compelled to create a wedding cake for a gay couple, but her legal skills and knowledge are evident, as is the insight and perspective she brings to a debate over this current cultural issue.

The censorious Yale brown shirts, like their fellow travelers on other campuses, have created their own definitions of free speech, putting limits on it that are contrary to what universities say it is and should be, and classifying certain speech—that with which they disagree—as harmful, cruel, even “violent”—sometimes manifesting itself as “hate speech” because it might, in their minds, discomfort a member of a victimized identity group.

But the Constitution and most university speech codes do not contain those exemptions, nor should they. So-called hate speech is a political categorization, not a legal one.

And the notion that an LGBTQ student, real or imaginary, somewhere may find offense if Waggoner speaks at Yale is no justification for silencing her, regardless of how unacceptable some tendentious, intolerant students may think she and her ideas are.

It is neither the responsibility nor duty of universities to foreclose certain debates because the discussion may hurt someone’s feelings somewhere. And it is certainly not the right of self-selected moral scolds to censor the speech of which they disapprove and promote and allow only speech with which they agree. Such an approach violates both the letter and spirit of academic free speech precepts.

In fact, this very sentiment is defined in the concise but eloquent 2014 University of Chicago Statement on Freedom of Expression, commonly referred to as the Chicago Principles. “The ideas of different members of the University community will often and quite naturally conflict,” the statement reads, in words echoing Yale’s own version of a free speech declaration, the 1974 “Report of the Committee on Freedom of Expression at Yale,” commonly known as the Woodward Report. “But it is not the proper role of the University to attempt to shield individuals from ideas and opinions they find unwelcome, disagreeable, or even deeply offensive. Although the University greatly values civility . . . concerns about civility and mutual respect can never be used as a justification for closing off discussion of ideas, however offensive or disagreeable those ideas may be to some members of our community.” [Emphasis added.]

Universities, including Yale, encourage vigorous responses by students and faculty to speech with which they disagree, including courteous protests outside the venue, the use of placards, sitting in silence at the event with armbands, or issuing flyers and other material encouraging attendees to avoid the event or read alternate information. But vocal disruptions—shouting, pounding on desks, jeering, using noisemakers, or otherwise interfering with a speaking event in a way that prevents attendees to hear the speech—all of those modes of behavior are specifically prohibited. Reports describing the Yale event, however, suggested that the pounding on desks, shouting, and vigorous disruption were so excessive that faculty and students in other rooms in the same building felt and heard the noise through the walls.

Freedom of speech, contrary to the thinking of some activists, does not mean freedom to suppress the speech of another by drowning out his or her speech with yours.

“Although members of the University community are free to criticize and contest the views expressed on campus,” the Chicago Principles read, “and to criticize and contest speakers who are invited to express their views on campus, they may not obstruct or otherwise interfere with the freedom of others to express views they reject or even loathe.” 

Additionally, the university has a duty to ensure that any individual on campus is allowed to speak and present his or her views, and the university has an obligation to protect that right by enforcing, if necessary, cordial behavior and decorum and removing anyone who violates that expected behavior. “To this end,” the statement continues, “the University has a solemn responsibility not only to promote a lively and fearless freedom of debate and deliberation but also to protect that freedom when others attempt to restrict it.”

In fact, Yale law professor Kate Stith, who moderated the event, can be seen in a video recording of the event struggling to read aloud Yale’s free speech policy, although the rude response from the demonstrators was that “this protest is free speech,” and her admonition was ignored.

Yale’s own Woodward Report rejected the idea “that speech can be suppressed by anyone who deems it false or offensive . . . [and] [t]hey make the majority, or any willful minority, the arbiters of truth for all. If expression may be prevented, censored, or punished, because of its content or because of the motives attributed to those who promote it, then it is no longer free. It will be subordinated to other values that we believe to be of lower priority in a university.”

Students must be told during orientation that disruptions such as the type discussed here will never be tolerated, are never appropriate, and will lead to punishment of the offending students, up to and including suspension or expulsion.

Assuming a speaker is the invited guest of a registered student group and is recognized by the university as such, all invited speakers must be treated with civility, courtesy, and deference. Attendance at an event like the Yale lecture was not mandatory, so if a guest speaker’s ideas are toxic or repulsive then a student can choose to not attend an event, but it is not the right of an individual student or group of students to decide that a speaker because his or her ideology is in opposition to the students’, should not be allowed to speak and deserves to have his or her event shut down.

After the outrageous Yale event, D.C. Circuit Judge Laurence Silberman suggested in an email to his fellow federal judges that the behavior of the law students involved in shutting down the invited speakers should rightly disqualify them from holding future clerkships, “that students who are identified as those willing to disrupt any such panel discussion should be noted. All federal judges,” he wrote, “should carefully consider whether any student so identified should be disqualified from potential clerkships.”

Whether that punishment is appropriate or just, the truth is that when they do become lawyers, these law students will have to hear competing arguments in a case, convince a judge and jury of their interpretation of an argument, and successfully argue for their client based on reason, facts, legal precedent, and intellectual ability. 

As future lawyers, they will not be able to pound on a table and suppress the speech of others in the courtroom, including opposing counsel and a judge. They will not be able to only present their side of a case without having the other side present theirs. And the university is a place where the same decorum and procedures for promoting views, developing intellectual arguments, providing facts and research to support one’s opinions, and inspiring academic inquiry and scholarly debate is fundamental to the advancement of learning. 

That is precisely why universities exist and why any attempts to suppress certain speech—because it is currently out of favor or novel or even controversial—are antithetical to what the university represents and why, either in a law school classroom or in a courtroom, unfettered free speech is paramount, as Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. put it, even “for the thought that we hate.”

Photo: Washington Free Beacon YouTube 

Twitter Bans Conservative Scribe for Telling the Truth About “Transgenders.” PJ Media’s Margolis: They Are Mentally Ill

BY R. CORT KIRKWOOD

SEE: https://thenewamerican.com/twitters-bans-conservative-scribe-for-telling-the-truth-about-transgenders-pj-medias-margolis-they-are-mentally-ill;

republished below in full unedited for informational, educational & research purposes:

Twitter has banned another conservative, this time for telling the truth about “transgenders,” the men and women who pretend or mistakenly believe they are members of the opposite sex and demand to be treated as such.

Say those unfortunate people are mentally ill, and into exile one goes.

The latest victim is Matt Margolis, who said as much in an exchange about the “victory” of “Lia” Thomas, the University of Pennsylvania swimmer who pretends he is a woman and won the NCAA’s 500-yard freestyle championship last week. 

Margolis told what might be the truth about “Lia” — real name, William — and Twitter banned him.

Not Telling the Truth

“I figured it was inevitable that Twitter would find a reason to suspend me from their platform permanently, and now they finally have,” Margolis wrote for PJMedia.

A social worker had tweeted that we must not insult “transgenders” no matter our opinion about Thomas.

“No matter your opinion on Lia Thomas, I urge you to discuss the topic as if a transgender person were in the room,” Justin Spiro said. “Because one probably is.”

In fact, one probably isn’t, but in any event, the social worker continued:

We can agree or disagree with the NCAA without insulting our transgender friends, classmates, and neighbors.…

40% of transgender youth attempt suicide. 

Prefacing your Lia Thomas criticisms with “Trans people have value” or “I respect trans people” is not difficult — and can literally save lives.

That 40 percent attempt suicide because they don’t get the psychiatric care they need to disabuse them of the false belief they are the wrong sex, as renowned psychiatrist Paul McHugh has repeatedly explained to no avail.

Margolis answered, and was sent packing for his trouble.

“Trans people represent a fraction of a percent of the population,” he wrote, and said that even if he were in a room with a person so afflicted, “I’d tell them the truth: they have a mental disorder.”

Not all of them are mentally ill; some are faking it to get into the ladies’ restroom or, perhaps, dominate in a women’s sport because they are weak men who cannot compete where they belong.

Thomas was a mediocre swimmer until he decided he was a woman and jumped in the pool with the weaker sex.

Continued Margolis:

I was given no warning, and I woke up to find that my account was locked and suspended. Appeals were made, and Twitter promptly sent form responses back.

In short, I am now banned from Twitter. For telling the truth.

Gender dysphoria/gender identity disorder was until very recently considered a mental disorder. No one can honestly say that the decision to no longer classify it as such was based on objective science.

Strike Two

That, of course, is McHugh’s point, as he wrote for The Public Discourse:

The idea that one’s sex is fluid and a matter open to choice runs unquestioned through our culture and is reflected everywhere in the media, the theater, the classroom, and in many medical clinics. It has taken on cult-like features: its own special lingo, internet chat rooms providing slick answers to new recruits, and clubs for easy access to dresses and styles supporting the sex change. It is doing much damage to families, adolescents, and children and should be confronted as an opinion without biological foundation wherever it emerges.

This is Margolis’ second strike on the “transgender” issue.

When he tweeted that Richard “Rachel” Levine, the No. 2 federal health official as assistant secretary for health at the Department of Health and Human Services, is a man, Twitter forced him to delete it.

“I’m sorry; I don’t give a damn what Twitter thinks,” Margolis wrote:

Rachel Levine is a man, and Twitter banning me won’t change this biological fact. Rachel Levine can call himself a woman all he wants, but that doesn’t mean he’s right. This is what is so dangerous about the transgender movement. They aren’t satisfied unless the rest of us validate how they feel. It’s not enough for a man to call himself a woman. The rest of us are expected to participate in that delusion. They think their right to believe what they want trumps our right to believe the facts.

Does Twitter think they’ve won by banning me? They haven’t.

Maybe, but the “transgenders” certainly think they have won. If they are right, women’s sports are doomed.

____________________________________________________________________

SEE ALSO: https://pjmedia.com/news-and-politics/matt-margolis/2022/03/22/ive-been-permanently-banned-from-twitter-for-telling-the-truth-n1568512

JUDGE Ketanji Brown Jackson’s hearing before the senate

JACKSON: "EVERY JUDGE HAS A PERSONAL, HIDDEN AGENDA"

REFUSES TO ANSWER A QUESTION AS TO WHETHER SHE'S IN FAVOR OF PACKING THE SUPREME COURT

PLEASE READ OUR PREVIOUS POSTS ABOUT JUDGE JACKSON AT: https://ratherexposethem.org/?s=JACKSON

Real America's Dan Ball With Dr. Carol Swain On Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson (3/21/22)

Senator Marsha Blackburn: Americans Deserves Answers From Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson

"WHAT IS YOUR SECRET AGENDA?" - Smart GOP Senator SILENCE Ketanji Brown during Heated Questioning

HANNITY: Ted Cruz reveals Ketanji Brown Jackson's 'disturbing' rulings

Ted Cruz: ‘Our Democratic Colleagues Want the Supreme Court To Be Anti-Democratic’

WATCH: Sen. Ted Cruz questions Jackson in Supreme Court confirmation hearings

WATCH: Sen. Ted Cruz presses Ketanji Jackson Brown on critical race theory

WATCH: Sen. Ted Cruz questions Ketanji Brown Jackson on sentencing for child pornography cases

Sen. Cornyn Discusses the Judiciary Committee’s Hearings on Judge Jackson’s Supreme Court Nomination

Lindsey Graham clashes with Ketanji Brown Jackson on the third day of hearings

Zelensky ‘Consolidates’ All Channels Into Government Propaganda, Bans 11 Political Parties

AUTHORITARIAN POWER GRAB

BY DANIEL GREENFIELD

SEE: https://robertspencer.org/2022/03/zelensky-consolidates-all-channels-into-government-propaganda-bans-11-political-parties;

republished below in full unedited for informational, educational & research purposes:

Tell me more about Ukraine’s western liberal values, please.

In an address to his nation delivered Sunday, Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky announced an order “combining all national TV channels, the program content of which consists mainly of information and/or information-analytical programs, [into] a single information platform of strategic communication” to be called “United News.”

The move means the end, at least temporarily, of privately owned Ukrainian media outlets in that country. Zelensky claimed the measure is needed to combat alleged Russian misinformation and “tell the truth about the war.”

Along with the media consolidation, he banned “any activity” by 11 political parties.

The emergency actions were taken under rules for martial law. Zelensky claimed he was trying to institute a “unified information policy.”

Those are all euphemisms for a totalitarian system.

Now, mind you, this kind of thing is standard in much of the world, including Russia, where there’s no meaningful political opposition on the air, and media outlets toe the party line. But the whole argument for Ukraine was that it was supposed to be better than Putin’s Russia.

It’s also hard to see what the point of such a move would be if Ukraine is truly unified. You only need to resort to totalitarian measures when the country isn’t.

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